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The 9/11 Commission would never have been established if one of the parties was dominated by Al Qaeda supporters."

Jonathan Chait

A marginalized faction of the Republican Party consists of elected officials who believe the November 2020 election was free and fair, and won by President Biden. They oppose violent insurrection. And because of their commitment to our democracy, they are willing to push back against Republicans who deny what we witnessed with our own eyes. These folks, genuine small-d democrats, have made the uncomfortable decision, likely to have calamitous consequences for their career trajectories in the GOP, to put country over party.

Another segment of the Republican Party -- ascendant in the GOP House and Senate caucuses and across much of the country -- is all-in with the Big Lie: the election was stolen; Trump was defrauded. Joe Biden is an illegitimate president. This group regards the man in Mar-a-Lago as President Trump, no matter that he no longer resides in the White House. He is their leader and the leader of real America. Their devotion is cultish, unreasonable, and profoundly undemocratic; it doesn't recoil even from violence to overcome majority rule.

The remaining portion of the GOP (possibly the largest faction among elected officials, if not among voters) is not taken-in by the Big Lie, but -- regardless of whether they like Trump or despise him -- believes that it is not in their interests, nor would it be advantageous to the party, to reject Trump's leadership at least not now. They might stray from Trump's orbit from time to time -- with a critical comment or a vote against leadership -- but when push comes to shove, they are unwilling to stray too far or for too long. Their ambition and allegiance to their party preclude that stance. And it is with their tacit or expressed support that the Big Lie caucus reigns over the Republican Party.

The Big Lie can't survive a January 6 Commission that establishes what happened and who is responsible. Republicans attached to Donald Trump can't abide this.

The Republican Party is very comfortable becoming an autocratic party. Now, to those of us who worked in the party, it`s a shocking, very sad development. You know, I`ve talked a lot about my responsibility. And this is why I didn`t see it sooner. But that`s where we are. And we have to just face the reality of it.
This is a party that is for democracy when they win, and they`re not for democracy when they lose, which means you`re not for democracy. And what we have to realize is they`re very serious about this. They`re not going to change. They`re dedicated. They’ve got a lot of resources. And they`re very patient. And we need to realize what it is that is at stake here, what we`re engaged in, and it`s really a defense of the American experiment. And if we don`t engage and fight this, they`ll win. And that`s really the stakes.

Stuart Stevens, veteran of the George W. Bush and Mitt Romney presidential campaigns and now with the Lincoln Project, May 13, 2021

Stevens spoke to Brian Williams (The 11th Hour with Brian Williams, May 13, 2021) on the same day that 150 Republicans issued "A Call for American Renewal," which pledged to push the Republican Party "to rededicate itself to founding ideals—or else hasten the creation of an alternative." Earlier in the broadcast Williams asked Stevens about the group's prospects for success. His reply:

Yes, it – listen, I have a lot of friends over there. I love the fact that they don`t support Trump and they believe the Republican Party should be something else. But it seems to me they`re asking a rhetorical question.
The Republican Party is not unhappy with where it is. Republican Party likes where it is. It`s a much smaller party, but it`s very intensely a Trumpist party. And at the Lincoln project, we think this question has been answered. And we believe that really the question is: Do you support democracy or do you support autocracy? It`s not about ideology anymore. I mean, all these ads are made about like, you know, lowering capital gains tax and health care, and it`s all kind of quaint now. It`s not what this is about.
And you have to take a stand. And we’re in the Lincoln project -- we just have one mission, which is to fight for democracy. And to fight [for] democracy, you`re going to have to beat these Republicans who have become autocrats.

Stevens offers a sober, clear-eyed view of his former political party. Republicans failed to hold Donald Trump accountable after the January 6 insurrection. Instead, the GOP leadership embraced autocracy, threatening our democratic institutions. This was a deliberate choice. It is an ongoing commitment. Stevens concludes with remarks that call to mind the analysis presented in How Democracies Die:

I mean history tells us that democracies in modern era die by the ballot box and in the courtroom, and it`s a slow process. And that is what is at stake here. And Republicans understand that. That`s why they’ve rushed to pass these bills. They want to make it harder and harder for Republicans to lose, and we know what they`re going to do if they win. They’ve already said. If they take the House, they’ll impeach at least the Vice President. So we should listen and we should believe them and we should be deadly serious about the business of beating them.

The Arizona Senate "audit" of the ballots cast in Maricopa County last November, which began on April 22 and was expected to be completed within three weeks, continues at a snail's pace. Senate liaison Ken Bennett reported yesterday that only 275,000 ballots (of 2.1 million cast) have been reviewed at this stage. The process will be suspended on Friday, as all ballots are moved from the site of the recount into storage, because the Arizona Veterans Memorial Coliseum, where the proceedings are taking place, will be the site of high school graduation ceremonies throughout the week. Ten days later, the ballot examiners will get back at it.

This has been a partisan charade from the beginning. First, because there isn't a shred of credible evidence of any fraud or malfeasance in the election results in the county. But after multiple recounts and unsuccessful court challenges, the Republican Senate -- unhappy with the Biden victory, the first in the county for a Democratic presidential candidate since Harry Truman -- ordered an audit of the ballots. Unfortunately, voter confidence, ballot security, and the rule of law were sacrificed for a partisan endeavor run by folks attached to the Big Lie.

Senate Republicans hired a Florida-based company, Cyber Ninjas, with no experience counting ballots and whose owner, Doug Logan, is a conspiracy theorist, an advocate for the "Stop the Steal" movement, and the author of a document "Election Fraud Facts & Details" (which Trump attorney Sidney Powell posted on her website). Logan said that he had created the document at the behest of unnamed U.S. Senators, as the Arizona Mirror reported last month:

Among the various claims in the document is a debunked allegation that the “core software” used by Dominion originated with and is the intellectual property of Smartmatic, alleging the latter company was founded in Venezuela and has ties to Hugo Chavez, the country’s socialist dictator who died in 2013. It claims Smartmatic has been linked to election rigging in Venezuela, India and the Philippines.

The paper alleges ties between Dominion and China, and repeats a discredited claim that the private equity firm that owns Dominion sold it to a Chinese-controlled securities company. Claims of ties between Dominion and Chinese investors were largely based on confusion between the similarly named New York and China-based subsidiaries of a Swiss securities company.

. . .

The document also cites an unsubstantiated claim that Dominion official Eric Coomer told a conference call of members of the radical left-wing movement Antifa, “Don’t worry about the election, Trump is not going to win. I made f***ing sure of that.” The alleged quote originated from conservative activist Joseph Oltmann, who claimed he heard a man identified as “Eric from Dominion” make the statement during the call.

Screen grab of video of The Rachel Maddow Show, April 29, 2021 as ballots are examined with ultraviolet flashlights.

After stumbles right out of the gate, folks in the Coliseum have peered at the ballots under ultraviolet light (perhaps looking for water marks; perhaps not), subjected them to kinesthetic markers (a fancy way of saying they have examined folds in the paper, based on speculations of a failed inventor), and examined them for the presence of bamboo fibers (because of the baseless claim that 40,000 fraudulent ballots were shipped to Phoenix from China).

Video from Dennis Welch on Twitter.

This is nuts. Joe Biden bested Donald Trump in the November 2020 election. The Arizona Senate's Republican majority, in thrall of wild conspiracy theories and Trump's Big Lie, has manufactured a nefarious extra-legal process to audit the ballots in Maricopa County.

In election maven Rick Hasen's words, “It would be comical if it weren't so scary.” Arizona Senate Republicans have trashed the democratic norm of abiding by the results of free and fair elections, so the winner takes office and the loser steps aside once the votes have been counted. Biden's defeat of Trump nationally wasn't even close. In state after state, we've had recounts, audits, and rejections in court of baseless challenges to the Biden victory, which still stands.

This week the Republican Arizona Senate has threatened the Maricopa County supervisors and sheriff with another lawsuit, while the Arizona Secretary of State (a critic of the shady audit) has received death threats.

The mischief in Arizona may spread. OAN, the network that's trying hard to be Trumpier than Fox, reports:

Meanwhile, Trump-era trade advisor Peter Navarro has been looking ahead to a similar audit in Georgia. He predicts an audit would likely reveal election fraud in the 2020 election just as it is in Arizona. Navarro added, the scale of voter fraud in Georgia is “much larger than in Arizona” and cited preliminary estimates.

And last week, Donald Trump concocted a new conspiracy regarding Michigan votes -- and a companion conspiracy regarding Wisconsin:

At 6:31 in the morning on November 4th, a dump of 149,772 votes came in to the State of Michigan. Biden received 96% of those votes and the State miraculously went to him. Has the Michigan State Senate started their review of the Fraudulent Presidential Election of 2020 yet, or are they about to start? If not, they should be run out of office. Likewise, at 3:42 in the morning, a dump of 143,379 votes came in to the state of Wisconsin, also miraculously, given to Biden.

Will Republicans multiply the Arizona travesty in state after state across the county (as voter-suppression measures have hopscotched from one state to another)? Who knows? In any case, election audits six months after the fact would hardly be the most grievous harm to democratic governance founded on the Big Lie.

Much more threatening: the precedent of rejecting the outcome of an election that Republicans lose. Next time, in another election cycle, Republican-controlled legislatures (if the vote is close enough) may simply overrule voting majorities and overturn elections that they lose -- before the results have been certified and the Democratic winners have taken office.

A year ago most of us would have regarded that prospect as farfetched. However, after watching Republicans at the national, state, and local level since November 3, and especially since January 6, this scenario is undeniably well-founded. In Arizona the state legislature has willingly trampled on the prerogatives of election officials; in Georgia the legislature has stripped a secretary of state (who stood up to Trump and against the Big Lie) of authority in future elections. The deluge of voter suppression legislation -- which has reached 11 states thus far -- is evidence of Republican legislatures' mistrust of established, heretofore unchallenged, democratic rules.

Whether invested in conspiracy theories, fearful of the backlash for opposing Republican voters or other Republicans in office, or committed to advancing their power whatever the means whenever they can get away with it -- Republican elected officials, since January 6, have been highly reluctant to shut the door on the Big Lie, and more than willing to deny the legitimacy of an election outcome that their leader lost.

We saw a number of profiles in courage, as Republican election officials did the right thing this past November. Those Republicans are likely to be purged or overruled the next time. The Republican Party (in surveys among voters and through legislative actions) has chosen to join Donald Trump in rejecting democratic institutions if that means Republicans lose power.

The GOP has become a threat to our democracy.

Tucker Carlson hams it up on FNC.

This week Tucker Carlson Tonight featured a discursive bit on "Joe Biden's CIA," "identity politics gone wild," and dismissal of "the white supremacist threat." Along the way, the host ridiculed David Frum, who objected:

In the extended Twitter thread, Frum suggests that

Carlson's like a one-man TV special effect, a creation of market analysis of race-baiting as a segment within an ever more fragmented infotainment industry.
He would just as happily host Jeopardy or do a cooking show with a Kardashian.

This morning Kevin Drum highlights (re a study of asymmetric polarization) "yet another demonstration of the malignant effect of Fox News." No disagreement here. More than any other institution, Fox News Channel sets the agenda for the Republican Party (grievance, not policy), nurtures polarization, amps up anger on the right, and deliberately and with malice aforethought misinforms its viewers. Tucker Carlson, Fox's biggest, baddest star, is the chief agitator.

As Frum suggests, it's clearly show business to him. He's a performer. He mugs and mocks with a volatile mixture of non-sequiturs, hyperbole, insults, and yarns, which serve to generate fury at the other. His ratings have made him a rich man. His annual income places him securely within the top 1/10 of 1-percent. He is an unimpeachable member of the elite he scorns. With the same compensation for hosting Jeopardy or doing a cooking show, I doubt that Carlson would have nearly as much fun as he does trolling the libs and promoting white supremacy.

The Monty Python crew didn't lay it on as thick as Carlson does. Frum objects in so many words that Carlson is an unprincipled, unaccountable cynic. Well, yeah, but his ratings lead the cable news business. His bits may not count as rational discourse, but his fans in the Trump base -- that is, folks (in the words of Scott Jennings) who "believe in Jesus, Trump and Tucker Carlson — and not always in that order"-- far outnumber the Republicans heeding anyone on the principled conservative team. Carlson and Frum may have started out as fellow intellectuals at the now-shuttered Weekly Standard, but that was before the former became the hottest name brand at Murdoch's FNC powerhouse. Look at him now!

It's television. The images are as critical to the performance as the sound.

May 8: post revised for clarity.

[Screen grabs from Fox News Channel video on YouTube.]

After watching Joe Biden’s first White House press conference, I reviewed the transcript the next day and – ignoring commentary in the media – offered some observations. After watching the President’s first address to a joint session of Congress and reading a handful of media accounts, I’ve found some comments that resonate with me.

Let’s begin with critical context offered by David Lauter from Thursday morning’s Los Angeles Times:

For more than two decades, the rewards of economic growth have flowed disproportionately to more affluent Americans, widening the income gulf and slowing economic mobility.

I’d say closer to four decades, but otherwise Lauter’s observation nicely sets up Biden’s remarks regarding the economy since the U.S. rejected the post-WWII consensus for the promises of Reaganonmics. President Biden put it plainly:

My fellow Americans, trickle-down, trickle-down economics has never worked. It’s time to grow the economy from the bottom and the middle out.
. . .

Independent experts estimate the American Jobs Plan will add millions of jobs and trillions of dollars to economic growth in the years to come. It is an eight-year program. These are good-paying jobs that can’t be outsourced. Nearly 90 percent of the infrastructure jobs created in the American Jobs Plan do not require a college degree. Seventy-five percent don’t require an associate’s degree. The American Jobs Plan is a blue-collar blueprint to build America. That’s what it is.

And I recognize something I’ve always said, in this chamber and the other, good guys and women on Wall Street. But Wall Street didn’t build this country. The middle class built the country. And unions built the middle class. So that’s why I’m calling on Congress to pass the Protect the Right to Organize Act, the PRO Act, and send it to my desk so we can support the right to unionize.

That’s a Democratic agenda, which clearly distinguishes the Democratic Party from the GOP. No Democratic president in decades has said it better, as Joan Walsh suggests:

The longtime establishment Democrat translated progressive ideas Wednesday night—paid family leave, serious police reform, free preschool through community college education, extending generous child tax credits at least through 2025, sizable tax hikes on the wealthy, providing clean water and replacing lead pipes (did I call that progressive? what century is this, anyway?)—into American pragmatism: “These are the investments we make together, as one country, and that only government can make.” Forty years after Ronald Reagan declared, “Government is not the solution to our problem, government is the problem,” Democrats mustered their best rejoinder yet.

It’s unsurprising that Democrats who strike themes of economic fairness, including two senators who ran for president, are on board with the Biden agenda, as Peter Dreier notes:

Sanders or Warren could have given Biden’s speech. They would have pushed further — a wealth tax and Medicare for All, for example — but Biden has embraced most of what these two progressive icons proposed during last year’s campaign. But had either of them won the Democratic primary and then the presidency, it is highly doubtful that they could have gotten the traction that Biden has gotten. (I say this as someone who supported Bernie in 2016 and Warren in 2020 and was initially skeptical of Biden.) Paradoxically, Biden is a better messenger for this progressive agenda than Sanders and Warren because he was not viewed as a progressive.

Lisa Lerer and Annie Karni report that even Democrats who hew to the center are all-in:

“We’ve been very happy with his agenda and we’re the moderates,” said Matt Bennett, a co-founder of Third Way, a Democratic think tank named after a governing style embraced by former President Bill Clinton that rejected liberal orthodoxy. “Some have said this is a liberal wish list. We would argue that he is defining what it is to be a 21st-century moderate Democrat.”

Bennett suggests that the world has changed:

“It’s fair to say that Obama followed the Clinton model, and Biden is not, in some fundamental ways, because the world has changed so profoundly,” Mr. Bennett said. “Joe Biden is dealing with a seditious, anti-democratic set of lunatics. You can’t deal with people who voted to overturn the election. You simply cannot, even if you’re a moderate.”

Of course Matt Bennet doesn’t have a vote in the Senate, as Joe Manchin, Krysten Sinema, and other (perhaps equally hesitant) ‘centrist’ Democrats do. We’ll have to watch and wait over the next few months to see how Biden’s agenda fares.

Senator Tim Scott offered the Republican response to Biden. While relating a personal history unique among GOP senators, Scott offered no more than shopworn GOP criticisms of the Democratic president.

A few lines, early on, accused Biden of being a divisive president:

Last year, under Republican leadership, we passed five bipartisan Covid packages. Congress supported our schools, out hospitals, saved our economy, and funded Operation Warp Speed, delivering vaccines in record time. All five bills got 90 — 90 votes in the Senate. Common sense found common ground.
In February, Republicans told President Biden we wanted to keep working together to finish this fight. But Democrats wanted to go it alone. They spent almost $2 trillion on a partisan bill that the White House bragged was the most liberal bill in American history. Only 1 percent went to vaccinations. No requirement to reopen schools promptly.
Covid brought Congress together five times. This administration pushed us apart.

These words – from the party that still clings to Donald Trump – are no more credible than the chyrons on Fox News Channel.

Yes, of course Democratic Senators were willing to vote affirmatively on those five bills – even though they gave the Trump administration rare legislative victories during an election year. It was the right thing to do. Contrast this with the malevolent, ruthlessly partisan Senate GOP led by Mitch McConnell, which opposed every significant legislative proposal Barack Obama put forward – regardless of merit, without a glance to principle or to the public interest – simply to deny him a victory. What’s different today? Now there are U.S. Senators, in lockstep with Republicans across the country, who embrace, implicitly or explicitly, the big lie that deems Joe Biden an illegitimate president.

At least they grant that he was born in the U.S.A.

"The intent always matters, sir, and that is the point of this conversation. That is the point of the Jim Crow narrative, that Jim Crow did not simply look at the activities. It looked at the intent, it looked at the behaviors and it targeted behaviors that were disproportionately used by people of color."

-- Stacey Abrams responding to Texas Senator John Cornyn's question about whether the new Georgia election law was racist.

Whether or not the Georgia law targets African Americans with "surgical precision" (I'd say, Not, and moreover I think it's likely to backfire), it passed because turnout in November 2020 and January 2021 was huge, and Donald Trump and two Senate Republicans lost. The Georgia legislature, by hook or by crook, desperately seeks to keep this from happening again. The same vile spirit is ascendant in Texas (where Trump won, but demographic trends threaten future Republican victories, down-ballot most immediately): proposed legislation to suppress the vote targets counties with huge numbers of "voters of color."

Nor have Arizona Republicans gotten past Trump's November loss. Joe Biden carried Maricopa County (the first Democratic presidential candidate to do so since Harry Truman in 1948), which enabled him to carry Arizona (the first Democratic nominee to win since Bill Clinton's 1996 victory). Biden's statewide margin was 10,457 votes, less than a quarter of his his margin in Maricopa County (where more than 60% of Arizonans reside).

Republicans can't let go of the big lie. So the Arizona state senate designated Cyber Ninjas (the Florida-based company headed by Doug Logan, who has spun pro-Trump election conspiracy theories) as its agent for an election audit of the Maricopa County ballots. On Friday Cyber Ninjas (which has zero experience counting votes) took possession of the 2.1 million ballots cast in the county that propelled Biden to victory. This, after Republicans lost multiple court cases from the Maricopa County Superior Court to the U.S. Supreme Court for lack of a scintilla of evidence of fraud or errors in the balloting.

“It’s clear this audit has been bought and sold by hyper partisans intent on sowing doubt," according to Greg Burton, executive editor of the Arizona Republic. "Senate leaders have throttled legitimate press access and handed Arizona’s votes to conspiracy theorists.”

Things did not begin auspiciously on day one (with security breaches, violations of the election code, and locking out the press). I predict that things will not end well. This audit can't be expected to dispel any doubts about the integrity of the 2020 result, nor is it likely to increase confidence in the ability of the State of Arizona -- or anyplace else in the country where the party in power embraces the big lie -- to conduct free and fair elections. To the contrary, it will further divide. Most Americans -- with Chris Krebs and Bill Barr -- harbor no doubts about the integrity of the election or the result. The unbelieving Republican base won't be convinced by elected officials who are playing along with the charade of a stolen election.

Now Republican officials have begun to push their cynical anti-democratic campaigns even further. The Georgia law and a Texas proposal would make "cooking the electoral books" (in Rick Hasen's words) easier to pull off. Hasen observes:

A new, more dangerous front has opened in the voting wars, and it’s going to be much harder to counteract than the now-familiar fight over voting rules. At stake is something I never expected to worry about in the United States: the integrity of the vote count. The danger of manipulated election results looms.
. . . These efforts target both personnel and policy; it is not clear if they are coordinated. They nonetheless represent a huge threat to American democracy itself.

The Republican Party by and large, in Washington and across the country, has refused to accept the results of the 2020 presidential election. With this refusal, Republicans have declined to acknowledge Joe Biden's presidency as legitimate. Instead, implicitly or explicitly embracing the big lie, Republican legislatures are churning out voting restrictions aimed at Democratic constituencies. And taking a step further, as Hasen describes, they have begun to rig election laws to make it easier to overturn the results when they lose (as Trump tried and failed to do after his November defeat).

The Republican Party is at war with democratic governance in the United States.

The collective decision of conservative activists and Republican elected officials to stay on the anti-democratic, racist trajectory that the GOP had been on before Trump — but that he accelerated — is perhaps the most important story in American politics right now. At this moment, it’s unclear whether one of America’s two major political parties truly believes in democracy. 

Perry Bacon Jr., "Why The Republican Party Isn’t Rebranding After 2020"

In Georgia, the state legislature rushed through in a single day a 98-page bill introducing a torrent of changes in election law, many that restricted voting (creating obstacles that deliberately make voting more cumbersome, inconvenient, and -- with the provision making it illegal for volunteers to give voters waiting in line food or drink -- more uncomfortable). A couple of provisions (regarding the Secretary of State, currently Trump nemesis Brad Raffensperger, and the State Election Board) empower the state legislature at the expense of local election officials to make it easier to overturn an election (which Trump tried and failed to do in the aftermath of the 2020 election he lost by 11,780 votes).

Since the law sanctions neither violence, nor guessing the number of jelly beans in a jar, this is probably best described as Jim Crow Lite, rather than 'Jim Crow on steroids,' but it's plainly voter suppression (regardless of whether or not it succeeds). All credible evidence points to the November 2020 presidential election and the January 2021 senate run-off election in Georgia as free and fair. There was no fraud, no cheating, and no irregularities to speak of. There was no failure of election integrity. The count was accurate and the result clear in each case. Ballots cast for Democratic candidates surpassed ballots for the Republicans in the three races in Georgia that Trump and company dispute.

The Georgia law is a direct response to these three defeats, to Trump’s big lie (that he won the election in Georgia and nationally) but was denied the victory by fraud, and to the subsequent subterfuge that Republicans across the country have engaged in. (Ed Kilgore points to Arizona, Florida, New Hampshire, and Texas as the most significant states -- because of GOP control and increasingly competitive elections -- poised to follow Georgia's example.)

Jamelle Bouie comments ("The G.O.P Has Some Voters It Likes and Some It Doesn't"):

This is what it looks like when a political party turns against democracy. It doesn’t just try to restrict the vote; it creates mechanisms to subvert the vote and attempts to purge officials who might stand in the way. Georgia is in the spotlight, for reasons past and present, but it is happening across the country wherever Republicans are in control.

Again (while this law, contra Rich Lowry, will prevent actual voters from casting ballots), it may or may not succeed in suppressing the total vote of Democratic constituencies, since Democrats will be especially determined to organize and get to the polls. Voter suppression is still wrong. It constitutes an assault on democratic norms. Such laws show contempt for the Democratic constituencies they seek to disenfranchise. They represent an ideological, and anti-democratic, strand that has long been present in the Republican Party.

A year ago this month, President Trump expressed concern with efforts to make voting easier. "The things they had in there were crazy. They had levels of voting that if you ever agreed to it you'd never have a Republican elected in this country again." The Georgia Speaker of the House, in opposing widespread mail-in voting, remarked that “the president said it best, this will be extremely devastating to Republicans and conservatives in Georgia.” Why? Because "This will certainly drive up turnout."

At the beginning of the Reagan era, the late New Right activist, co-founder of both the Heritage Foundation and the Moral Majority, Paul Weyrich put it this way:

I don’t want everybody to vote. Elections are not won by a majority of the people. They never have been from the beginning of our country and they are not now. As a matter of fact, our leverage in the elections quite candidly goes up as the voting populace goes down.

In spite of these examples, Republicans generally avoid saying the quiet part loud. Instead, they advocate disqualifying voters on grounds other than partisan advantage, as Arizona state house member John Kavanaugh did:

“Not everybody wants to vote, and if somebody is uninterested in voting, that probably means that they’re totally uninformed on the issues,” Kavanagh said .... “Quantity is important, but we have to look at the quality of votes, as well.”

In 2007, Jonah Goldberg struck this theme, arguing that we risked "cheapening the vote" and "dumbed-down" democracy when we permitted everyone (including poorly informed Americans) to cast ballots.

In 1960, William Buckley expressed this view: "I think actually what is wrong in Mississippi, sir, is not that not enough Negroes are voting but that too many white people are voting." (Recall that white folks were part of the Democratic Solid South in 1960.)

Jim Crow still reigned when Buckley spoke -- five years before passage of the Voting Rights Act and more than half a century before Chief Justice John Roberts' decades-long quest to gut the law finally succeeded in the Shelby County v. Holder decision.

Twenty-first century voter suppression may not be Jim Crow, but it's close enough to reveal a contempt for democracy.

Several themes struck by President Biden resonated with me, especially:

  • His pragmatism, doing one thing at a time, one step at a time. He intends to do all he can to keep his campaign promises, and he invoked the dictum, Politics is the art of the possible. He is prepared, if necessary, to dump the filibuster (though that's not up to him).
  • His bipartisan appeal to voters (as opposed to elected Republicans), especially on economic issues. Reminded of Mitch McConnell's criticism of Biden's program ("hard left," according to the minority leader), the president responded that Republican voters were with him on his first legislative victory.
  • His commitment to voting rights and outrage at Republicans' nationwide efforts to restrict voting. He surely knows what's at stake.
  • His intention (after 4 decades of Reaganomics, though the 40th president went unmentioned) to change the economic paradigm. He contrasted congressional Republicans' fealty to the richest Americans with Democratic commitments to middle- and working-class Americans, and even gave a shout-out to labor unions.
  • His view that the U.S.-China competition includes a global battle of democracy vs. autocracy. After four years of open, servile admiration of Putin and other strongmen, even a "love affair" with Kim Jong-un, this marked perhaps the starkest contrast between President Biden and Donald Trump.

The first question for Biden began by noting that the President had touted his progress on COVID-19, but not the country’s other “defining challenges.” Biden responded:

[L]ook, when I took office, I decided that it was a fairly basic, simple proposition, and that is: I got elected to solve problems. And the most urgent problem facing the American people, I stated from the outset, was COVID-19 and the economic dislocation for millions and millions of Americans.

He pledged to take action on problems “one at a time, … as many simultaneously as we can.” Later (when asked about addressing gun control) he again invoked timing:

As you’ve all observed, successful presidents — better than me — have been successful, in large part, because they know how to time what they’re doing — order it, decide and prioritize what needs to be done.
The next major initiative is — and I’ll be announcing it Friday in Pittsburgh, in detail — is to rebuild the infrastructure — both physical and technological infrastructure in this country — so that we can compete and create significant numbers of really good-paying jobs. Really good-paying jobs.

On the filibuster, Biden asked (referencing a suggestion by Jim Clyburn), “Why not back a filibuster rule that at least gets around issues including voting rights or immigration?”

Among his remarks regarding changes to the filibuster rule, Biden again mentioned his pragmatism:

But here’s the deal: As you observed, I’m a fairly practical guy. I want to get things done. I want to get them done, consistent with what we promised the American people.
. . .
I — we’re going to get a lot done. And if we have to — if there’s complete lockdown and chaos as a consequence of the filibuster, then we’ll have to go beyond what I’m talking about.

Asked specifically about a possible failure to pass voting rights legislation leading to Democratic losses in 2022, Biden responded:

What I’m worried about is how un-American this whole initiative is. It’s sick. It’s sick. Deciding in some states that you cannot bring water to people standing in line, waiting to vote; deciding that you’re going to end voting at five o’clock when working people are just getting off work; deciding that there will be no absentee ballots under the most rigid circumstances.

Again drawing a distinction between elected officials and voters, he expressed the conviction that Republican voters would (when they learned what was happening, which he characterized as amped up “Jim Crow”) oppose voter suppression activities as “despicable.”

I mean, this is gigantic what they’re trying to do, and it cannot be sustained.
I’m going to do everything in my power, along with my friends in the House and the Senate, to keep that from — from becoming the law.

In response to questions about his running for reelection with Kamala Harris in 2024, he said he wasn’t thinking that far ahead. In fact, his eye was on a fundamental democratic goal for the economy:

I mean, look, this is — the way I view things — I’ve become a great respecter of fate in my life. I set a goal that’s in front of me to get things done for the people I care most about, which are hardworking, decent American people who are getting — really having it stuck to them.
I want to change the paradigm. I want to change the paradigm. We start to reward work, not just wealth. I want to change the paradigm.

Biden contrasted Congressional Republicans unworried about the fiscal effects of multi-trillion dollar tax cuts that overwhelmingly benefitted the top 1%, while being unwilling to support an economic package aimed at Americans who work for a living and stretch to make ends meet:

[L]ook, I meant what I said when I ran. And a lot of you still think I’m wrong, and I respect that. I said, “I’m running for three reasons: to restore the soul, dignity, honor, honesty, transparency to the American political system; two, to rebuild the backbone of this country — the middle class, hardworking people, and people struggling to get in the middle class. They built America, and unions built them.” The third reason I said I was running was to unite the country. And, generically speaking, all of you said, “No, you can’t do that.” Well, I’ve not been able to unite the Congress, but I’ve been uniting the country, based on the polling data. We have to come together. We have to.

Again, he remained pragmatic:

So, from my perspective, you know, it’s a — to me, it’s about just, you know, getting out there, putting one foot in front of the other and just trying to make things better for people — just hardworking people. People get up every morning and just want to figure out how to put food on the table for their kids, to be able have a little bit of breathing room, being able to have — make sure that they go to bed not staring at the ceiling, like my dad, wondering whether — since he didn’t have health insurance, what happens if mom gets sick or he got sick. These are basic things. Basic things.
And I’m of the view that the vast majority of people, including registered Republicans, by and large, share that — that same — that same view, that same sense of what is — you know, what’s appropriate.

Biden spoke at length about the U.S. relationship with China. He mentioned his relationship with Xi Jinping,  the “strong competition” between the two countries, and his commitment to rebuild U.S. alliances to hold China accountable.

In addition, he justified the next legislative focus of his administration – on infrastructure, Build Back Better – not only on the jobs it would create, but on the imperative to compete effectively with our nation’s greatest international rival. He pointed out that China’s investment in infrastructure exceeded by more than three times that of the United States. There was a time when such a challenge would yield strong bipartisan support. I don’t expect it this time, at least not from the Congressional GOP.

Strikingly, Biden’s remarks highlighted the international competition between democracy and autocracy, which pits the U.S. and other democratic countries in opposition to China, Russia, and much of the world.

Look around the world. We’re in the midst of a fourth industrial revolution of enormous consequence. Will there be middle class? How will people adjust to these significant changes in science and technology and the environment? How will they do that? And are democracies equipped — because all the people get to speak — to compete?
It is clear, absolutely clear — and most of the scholars I dealt with at Penn agree with me around the country — that this is a battle between the utility of democracies in the 21st century and autocracies.
If you notice, you don’t have Russia talking about communism anymore. It’s about an autocracy. Demand decisions made by a leader of a country — that’s what’s at stake here. We’ve got to prove democracy works.

At one time, much of the GOP would rally around this crusade. Sadly, the Republican Party is more committed to extinguishing democracy at home than bolstering it in the international community.

In my view, Joe Biden, thus far, has met the moment. He has a plan and he has stuck with it in a disciplined and focused way. He has kept most of the country with him.

At some point, sooner rather than later, he is going to hit a brick wall and then we'll see how he maneuvers to go over it, around it, or through it -- and how his congressional allies respond. He can't afford to lose, not if he expects Democrats to have any chance in 2022 of holding onto their majorities in the House and the Senate. There won't be many victories with Republicans in charge of either chamber.

Jonathan Cohn, who was exploring the shortcomings of the American health care system long before the Affordable Care Act -- designed to address those failings -- was signed into law, explains:

Passing big pieces of legislation is a lot harder than it looks.

It demands unglamorous, grinding work to figure out the precise contours of rules, spending, and revenue necessary to accomplish your goal. It requires methodical building of alliances, endless negotiations among hostile factions, and making painful compromises on cherished ideals. Most of all, it requires seriousness of purpose—a deep belief that you are working toward some kind of better world—in order to sustain those efforts when the task seems hopeless.

Democrats envisaged a nation with universal healthcare and had spent decades focused on making it a reality. The issue was on the Democratic agenda. They worked to make it happen for millions of folks who, without the ACA, would lack affordable health coverage.

Republicans, indifferent to uninsured Americans and  wedded to the idea of free-markets, had no interest in crafting public policies to expand access to health care. The GOP appears hazily nostalgic for 1950s-era medicine. In spite of Medicare’s enormous popularity, Ronald Reagan’s 1961 warning against "socialized medicine," still resonates.

Ensuring health care for Americans was not on the Republican agenda. In spite of campaigning for repeal and replace election cycle after election cycle, the Republican Party never bothered to come up with a replacement. Cohn again:

The incentive structure in conservative politics didn’t help, because it rewarded the ability to generate outrage rather than the ability to deliver changes in policy. Power had been shifting more and more to the party’s most extreme and incendiary voices, whose great skill was in landing appearances on Hannity, not providing for their constituents. Never was that more apparent than in 2013, when DeMint, Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, and some House conservatives pushed Republicans into shutting down the government in an attempt to “defund” the Affordable Care Act that even many conservative Republicans understood had no chance of succeeding.

. . .

Republicans remain focused on, and quite skilled at, delivering outrage to their supporters. They continue to show no enthusiasm for passing laws, on health care or anything else for that matter. Over the past few weeks, as Democrats passed that groundbreaking COVID-19 relief initiative, Republicans have put most of their energy into making arguments about “cancel culture.” And although Democrats are already moving on to other pieces of legislation, including plans for infrastructure, a minimum-wage increase, and immigration reform, the most concrete thing on the Republican agenda is talk of reviving a half-dozen Dr. Seuss books that the late children’s author’s estate stopped printing because they contained racist imagery.

Apart from tax cuts for corporations and the one-percent at the national level, and voter suppression and gerrymandering to ensure minority rule at the state level, Republicans don't have much to offer by way of an agenda. They don't have a solution for the uninsured. They don’t have a plan to prevent catastrophic medical costs from bankrupting middle and working class families. Truth be told, apart from angry rhetoric, Republicans have nothing to offer regarding Dr. Seuss's oeuvre. There is no public policy agenda to solve the 'problem' Republicans are railing about.

Outrage may win elections. It won't pass laws. It won't create public policy. It won't offer solutions for the American people.

This week Joe Biden signed the CARES Act, which passed with near-unanimous support from Democrats in each house.  (Maine Congressman Jared Golden was the only Democrat opposing the measure.)

And the Republicans? Although they will tout the benefits to their constituents of this popular bill, every single Republican member of both chambers voted in opposition, because they think blanket opposition is the most reliable way to make gains in the 2022 midterms. As Perry Bacon put it:

All indications are that Republicans think that the way to win back control of the House and/or Senate next year is to repeat their strategy from the Obama years: intense and total opposition to the agenda of the sitting Democratic president

Jonathan Bernstein recognizes that the pattern of absolute Republican opposition goes even further back:

It’s … the logical consequence of their long-term strategy for dealing with new Democratic presidents: Oppose everything and regard losing as better than cutting a deal.

That was bound to be the Republican congressional reaction to Biden because it was their reaction to Presidents Bill Clinton in 1993 and Barack Obama in 2009, and in both cases they considered the strategy to have been successful.

The strategy is consistent with the “post-policy Republican Party” (in Bernstein’s assessment circa 2017) that had come to dominate the GOP by the Gingrich era. Republicans offer a “nihilist message of unfocused resentment,” rather than public policy proposals. While this tact may win elections, it is a recipe for dysfunctional governance. It will not solve any problems that Americans experience. It creates frustration and anger.

The Republican playbook, focused on the next election cycle, shrugs off the legislative defeat. From the vantagepoint of the first 50 days of the Biden presidency, the public policy loss appears to be highly significant. The bill (made possible because Democrats understood what President Obama was painfully slow to grasp about Republicans’ strategic refusal to engage constructively) is both larger and more far reaching than it would have been had the minority party been willing to meet Democrats halfway. With broadened eligibility for a generous child tax credit and expanded subsidies for Obamacare, the act in one fell swoop is poised to cut childhood poverty nearly in half (though the provisions must be made permanent at some point in the future). It also protects the pensions of about a million Americans whose multi-employer plans were threatened with insolvency.

Senator Sherrod Brown remarked gleefully on passing this legislation: "This is the best day of my career because we did so many things."

Among the "so many things" are provisions that benefit not just the poor, but the middle class. This act will touch many Americans who work for a living, among them a fraction of Trump voters who might be persuaded to vote Democratic in the future.

Jeff Greenfield suggests that the act is "the most audaciously ambitious social welfare legislation since the New Deal," and goes on to say, "From a political perspective, the potential impact of the rescue plan is hard to overstate; what it represents is the possibility that the Democratic Party has found a tool to reconnect it to a working and middle class whose loyalty has been threatened for well over half a century."

Paul Krugman pronounced, 'The era of “the era of big government is over” is over.'

Well, maybe. But Joe Biden isn't FDR yet. While significant, the CARES Act is only Act 1. Democrats are striving to show that government can have a constructive role in Americans' lives. If they succeed, the Reagan era -- and the belief that "Government is not the solution to our problem, government is the problem." -- may be coming to an end.

What is clear is that there aren't many Reagan Republicans left in Washington. The optimism is gone. The old bromides, now stale, have been replaced by grievances and conspiracy theories. And the economic solutions that Reagan offered to a 1980s America (while the country was suffering from stagflation and a loss of confidence in government following the Vietnam War and Watergate), haven't worked all that well for most working Americans. (Nor did Donald Trump's only legislative victory, the tax cuts aimed at corporations and the rich.) In 2021, a time of crisis, the Republican Party isn't even trying to provide an answer. Instead, it has set out on a different crusade.

In the words of Richard Yeselson:

The country’s political and economic order is experiencing acute and chronic crises. One of the two major parties has given up hope of winning over a majority of the country’s voters. To achieve and maintain power, the Republicans rely on voter suppression, extreme gerrymandering, and anachronistic structural features of American governance—federalism, the Electoral College, the Senate, and, within the Senate, an antidemocratic requirement for a supermajority.

Joe Biden, remarkably, has hit all the right notes up till now. Democratic unity has been a thing to behold. But it's early and historical patterns represent a steep climb. It is hardly clear how this turns out.